State media say two people were killed when police opened fire on a group of demonstraters attempting to storm a police station near Agadir on 1 October, as protests continue to rock Morocco.
Two people were shot dead by gendarmes as they attempted to ‘storm’ a police station in Leqliâa, near Agadir, during a fifth consecutive day of demonstrations across the country. This is the most serious incident since the start of the protests by the youth collective calling themselves GenZ 212, on 27 September.
Meanwhile, in Salé, near Rabat, where the level of violence has been particularly high, figures in balaclavas set fire to two police cars and a bank. Arson has also been reported in Sidi Bibi, near Agadir, and Taroudant.
The protesters have surprised observers with their ability to mobilise quickly and simultaneously in several cities. Organising via social networks, they are led by young people who identify as Generation Z and claim independence from traditional political and union structures.
Calling themselves GenZ212 — a nod to Morocco’s dialling code — the mobilisation’s focus is chiefly on education and health, a year before legislative elections.
It also coincides with Morocco’s preparations to host the Africa Cup of Nations (AFCON) from December, and with the build-up to the 2030 World Cup, which has already put the kingdom under the spotlight.
- What are the protesters’ demands?
Protesters denounce failings in two essential services — education and health. In schools they point to dilapidated infrastructure, overcrowded classes and pupils dropping out. In hospitals they cite a chronic shortage of doctors, outdated equipment and poor access to care in some regions.
The death of eight women in 10 days in an Agadir hospital has reignited debate about the state of public services.
Their demands also reflect a deeper malaise tied to corruption, the “opaque” use of public funds and a sense of “social injustice”. Young people question the state’s priorities.
The young people are questioning the state’s priorities, when preparations for the AFCON and the World Cup are set against the quality of public services. Despite the country’s high unemployment, this does not seem to be at the centre of the protests and has not appeared in its slogans. In their statements, the organisers have repeated that their protests are peaceful with respect for the Moroccan flag, the nation and King Mohammed VI.
A security source, however, has suggested that Algerian services are trying to influence the movement — with the aim, he says, of harming the kingdom’s image a few weeks before the AFCON tournament opens.
- How is the mobilisation organised, and what role do social networks play?
For now, no leader has been identified, including by the security forces. The movement is decentralised and relies on social platforms and hubs such as Moroccan Youth Voice.
Meeting points are announced only two hours in advance by anonymous organisers who call for people to “stay peaceful”, “avoid any direct confrontation” and “stick to consensual slogans”.
The movement had to clarify its position publicly after individuals used one of its servers to post anti-monarchy messages. GenZ212 reaffirmed its “attachment” to “national unity” and rejected any hijacking that runs counter to its principles.
Rallies took place simultaneously in major cities, always late in the afternoon, and were quickly dispersed by security forces, who made arrests – some filmed and posted online. Asked about the profile of those detained, a security source spoke of “marginalised” people.
In Casablanca, an impromptu sit-in on the motorway marked a tense moment. In Rabat, arrests outside parliament were widely shared on social media.
These networks are the backbone of GenZ212. Strategies are drafted on Discord, switching between Darija and English. When servers are shut down, new ones appear hours later. Other platforms — Instagram, Facebook, among others — help relay statements and videos.
Generation Z — born between the late 1990s and early 2010s — is the first cohort to grow up entirely online. Social networks are part of daily life. This constant connection makes it easy to compare themselves with youth protests elsewhere in the world.
Beyond the tool lies the political meaning. Can the movement last beyond September, or is it a short-term reaction to immediate frustrations? Some analysts say the answer depends on the government’s choices. Others argue that the fact the movement took shape online before spilling into the streets signals a deep and lasting transformation of the protest space.
- Are comparisons with the Arab Spring valid?
These protests inevitably revive memories of the Mouvement du 20 Février (M20) in 2011. Are the two phenomena comparable?
The M20 was born in the particular context of the Arab Spring. Its demands were political. It called for a boycott of the constitutional referendum held in July 2011, and counted among its ranks many Islamist activists or sympathisers close to the Parti de la Justice et du Développement (PJD).
By contrast — even as reports emerge of Al Adl Wal Ihsane (AWI) activists joining GenZ212 rallies — the young people in the streets and online voice radical distrust of political parties. They accuse parties of straying from their core missions in favour of perks and electoral ambition.
In the protesters’ eyes, political parties bear direct responsibility for the deterioration of public services. The rift is widened by a sense, again expressed on the streets and online, that national priorities entail prestige projects far removed from daily needs.
All this marks a clear difference from 2011. At this stage, a security source says, the “risk” of an evolution into an M20-style movement looks low.
- Is the protest targeting Prime Minister Aziz Akhannouch?
With legislative elections a year away, the question arises whether the current head of government — who hopes to stay on after the 2026 vote — is being weakened, even if he is not named in the marches.
The two ministers responsible for the sectors most criticised by protesters — Amine Tahraoui at Health and Mohamed Saad Berrada at Education — belong to the Rassemblement National des Indépendants and are close to Aziz Akhannouch.
Since the first protests on 27 September, the government has remained silent. Its position is expected be set out at the weekly press briefing by spokesperson Mustapha Baïtas, but the lack of communication has fed criticism. Some accuse the government of leaving the security forces and the monarchy on the frontline in dealing with the protests.
The RNI has responded through one of its leading figures, the Speaker of the House of Representatives, Rachid Talbi Alami. At a rally in Khénifra on 28 September, he defended the record of the government led by his party, and reminded supporters that reforms launched since 2021 will take time to bear fruit.
His stance contrasts with that of the culture minister, Mehdi Bensaïd. Speaking at the youth congress of his party, the Parti Authenticité et Modernité, the ambitious minister surprised many by voicing support for the GenZ212 movement.
- How has the political class responded?
Former justice minister Mustafa Ramid said leaders “must work tirelessly on deep reforms”. The Parti de la Justice et du Développement (PJD), his former party, which he left in 2021, urged the government to handle the situation with “openness, proactivity and political wisdom”.
The Fédération de Gauche Démocratique expressed its “full support” for the movement while condemning “repressive methods”. In Casablanca, Nabila Mounib, MP and head of the Parti Socialiste Unifié, praised the “organisation” and “peaceful nature” of the protests.
On social media, GenZ has distanced itself from such statements, rejecting any “political hijacking”.
Once again, it was former prime minister Abdelilah Benkirane who drew the spotlight. At a meeting on 28 September he declared that “the Arab Spring will return” and that Moroccans want him back in office.
Online, several users shot back by recalling that in October 2014, while he was in power, the PJD leader advocated rolling back the state’s role in health and education in favour of the private sector.